Other steps pledge the lifting of “hindrances” to civil society groups (number 88), a culture “that safeguards and values the independence and artistic integrity of practitioners of the arts” (number 89), and the strengthening of “the right to freedom of thought and expression” (number 91).
Wi-fi, says the plan, “will be made available free of charge in Centres in every town to facilitate Internet access.” (number 33). The commitment to “Both immediate and long term measures… to safeguard the independence of media personnel and institutions,” comes in at number 90.
Kurukulasuriya, who went into exile after Wickrematunge’s murder, urges action to break the grip of the political appointees heading the country’s major public and private media companies. The co-option of the owners was the subtler side of the old regime’s media control. Time will tell whether the government goes on reading ‘media freedom’ as about owners’ rights, not journalists’ rights.
“The previous Rajapaksa regime changed the ownerships of several media institutions through intimidation,” says Kurukulasuriya. Self-censorship drove the majority; more deadly means of censorship were reserved for the small cadres of independent journalists who could not be bought or fired.
The state media’s job is to “[R]eflect the line of whatever government is in power,” admitted Rajpal Abeynayake, the editor of the state-run Daily News in a memorable post-election quote to the Guardian’s Amantha Perera. “If the government changes, so does the newspaper. It’s as simple as that. If they want to change that practice they could, but so far no government has done it.”
Sirisena is showing no inclination to change matters. The chairman of the state-owned Lake House newspaper group, morning news show anchor and well documented supporter of the Rajapakse family, Bandula Padmakumara, was quick to go, just a few hours after the presidential election results came in. But few others seem to have followed him.
Sirisena will be slow to reform the fundamental structure of the island’s media because he may have to rely on these established partners in self-censorship to help shore up Wickremesinghe’s premiership if, as promised, he reduces the executive powers of the presidency so assiduously built up by Rajapakse.
Sirisena’s coalition is fragile, sprawling and diverse, noted Ellen Barry and Dharisha Bastians for The New York Times, “including Buddhist nationalists, Marxists and centre-right politicians, among others." He will hold a general election after the dissolving of parliament on 23 April, when older favours may be called in. Rajapakse is not going away quietly either, and aims to heap the pressure on the coalition.
Rajapakse’s brother and former defence secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and Chief Justice Peiris, are being accused of plotting to declare a state of emergency as early results revealed the prospect of their defeat.
Keeping the media focus on the plot, which Rajapakse denies, will keep the focus off the new government’s pledges to reduce the impact of austerity measures that followed the IMF’s extension of a $2.6 billion loan – pledges to increase food, fuel and farming subsidies and raise public employees’ salaries that will be hard to keep.
Keeping track of political change, economic threats, constitutional reform, an election and keeping safe from a generation of assassins long used to impunity would be a challenge for any nation’s media. When the media itself needs reform the problems seem overwhelming. This is why the country needs a fully-fledged media commission to ensure freedom of expression can be properly defended.
Yet under Sirisena’s 100-day plan to reverse Rajapakse’s legacy, the list of reform commissions due to be covered by a 19th Amendment to the constitution does not include one on the media, only on the judiciary, police, public services, elections, human rights and corruption.
International and regional media rights groups need to heap pressure of their own on Sirusena’s new media ministry secretary, Karunarathna Paranawithana, a self-styled (on his Facebook page) ‘diplomat, journalist (and) political activist’.
Kurukulasuriya thinks it’s unfortunate that the new government will not establish a media commission, but that it was deliberate. “They are not willing to transform state media into (independent) public service broadcasters, and they don’t want to broad-base the state-owned Lake House newspaper group.”
But without greater independence the Sri Lankan media will not be able to fairly and accurately report the upcoming election. The appointment of a reform commission for the media next month would not do much to change this situation in time for an election call in April, however it would send a clear message to embattled journalists that change is on the agenda and risks are worth taking.
According to Sirisena’s strict schedule, his administration will establish the independent commissions on Wednesday 18 February. There’s still time to add one on media to the list. Let us hope "wise counsel will prevail".
